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We do not agree that the neutrality initiative should
be generally disparaged as a “pro-Putin initiative.”

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The argument that Blocher launched this initiative solely to
make money is also completely unfounded. That is not true.

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We all agree on one thing in Switzerland. Even the
Social Democrats, The Center, the FDP, and the

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SVP. Actually, everyone agrees: We need neutrality.

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Neutrality is important to Switzerland.

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But how do you define the concept
of neutrality? — That's important.

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And the fact that the Social Democrats—my party, with which I
identify—aren’t actually having a genuine discussion about the

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issues and what we should really be debating—whether sanctions
are effective or not—that this debate isn’t taking place…

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Half a million people died every year.

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Unilateral coercive measures—that is,
sanctions—are a weapon of mass destruction.

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It's not just a matter of: "We're trying
to pull one over on Vladimir Putin here."

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No, it's a weapon of mass destruction, and from a social
democratic perspective, we really shouldn't go along with that.

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www.kla.tv/42414]

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We have Dr. Pascal Lottaz here today.

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He is a political scientist and a co-signatory of
the open letter to the SP party leadership, as well

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as the operator of the website swissneutralitynow.ch.

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Hello. - Good afternoon.

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You are also a co-author of the open letter to the
leadership of the Social Democratic Party in Switzerland.

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After all, this party leadership
opposes the neutrality initiative.

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What led you to write an open letter to them?

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It wasn't really the party leadership's
rejection that prompted or motivated us.

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Nor is it a general rejection of the
neutrality initiative within the party.

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This rejection was decided, and that's just the way it is.

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I am a member of the Social Democratic Party.

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I don't agree with that.

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I have a distinctly different understanding of
what this neutrality initiative is all about.

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But what ultimately prompted us to write this open letter is that
the party leadership, in its … well, that the Social Democrats,

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in their internal and external communications, have put
forward arguments that my co-authors and I find outrageous.

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We do not agree that the Neutrality Initiative should
be generally disparaged as a “pro-Putin initiative.”

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The argument that Blocher launched this initiative
solely to make money is also completely unfounded.

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That's not true. That isn't true.

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And to put something like that out there, to trumpet
it, and to present it as if it were a fact—that's wrong.

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That's just polemics, but it doesn't reflect the facts.

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And we should focus on the debate itself in this discussion.

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This is an important moment for Switzerland.

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There's one thing we all agree on in Switzerland.

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The Social Democrats, The Center, the FDP, and the SVP
as well. Actually, everyone agrees: We need neutrality.

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Neutrality is important to Switzerland.

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But how do you define the concept
of neutrality? — That's important.

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And now the Social Democrats—my party, with which I
identify—are actually having a genuine discussion about the

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issues and about what we should actually be discussing,

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- whether sanctions are effective or not,

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- whether arms sales, wherever they
take place, are effective or not,

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- whether Swiss neutrality should be understood
as solely military in nature or also economic,

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The fact that we aren't having this debate, but are instead
pinning everything on one man—Vladimir Putin—and then on the

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second man, Christoph Blocher—means that we aren't conducting the
discussion in the way we need to in order

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for us, as a country, to reach a new consensus
or agreement on how we want to move forward.

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That is why it is important now that, as a nation, we engage
in respectful and substantive discussions and debates in 2026.

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Yes, that was important to me. - Very good.

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As you've already said, it is precisely the initiative's opponents
who refer to it as the "Blocher" or "Putin" initiative.

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And that's what actually triggers a bitter partisan battle.

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How would you explain to a Social Democrat that
the Neutrality Initiative is a left-wing cause?

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First of all, I’d say take a quick look at who on
the left is supporting the Neutrality Initiative.

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Both of the communist parties we have in
Switzerland—the Ticino Communists and the Bern

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and Basel “Workers’ Party” (PdA)—support this.

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We have various left-wing groups that
support them, including the “Zürcher Linksbündig.”

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And I'd like to explain that, even from a social democratic
perspective, one can still support something like this and say:

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Yes, there are good reasons to say that we should not go
along with this Western drive for expansion and imperialism.

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We can't let that happen.

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And that’s why U.S. imperialism—and, to some extent, that of the
Europeans who go along with it—this constant pursuit of war,

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which is also a form of expansion—the Iraq War, the Iran War, and
the colonialism of the Europeans from the 19th century into the

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20th—all of that is part of this fundamental capitalist system.

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And neutrality stands in opposition to that. Because
neutrality explicitly states: We won't go along with it.

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War abroad? No.

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Defense, yes, at home, but defense at home.

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Not defense in the Hindu Kush.

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Not a defense in Tehran.

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Defense here at the border.

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Yes, unfortunately, today's social democracy lacks this analysis.

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Of course it's wrapped.

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It is presented as humanitarianism;
it is presented as international law.

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The argument is: Yes, yes, we have to impose
sanctions because we have to uphold international law.

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What's being left out here is that the UN—the
United Nations—itself has a day dedicated

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to opposing unilateral coercive measures. Why?

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Because unilateral coercive measures by the U.S.,
the EU, and indeed Switzerland are always

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directed against countries in the Global South. Always.

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In the UN General Assembly, every country has one vote.

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It's just not as unfair as it is in the Security
Council; in the General Assembly, it's one country, one vote.

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And they always said, "No, we don't want that; stop it."

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These sanctions are an outrage—a colonial
outrage on the part of you in the Global North

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who want to destroy us in the Global South.

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And the fact that Switzerland and the Social
Democrats here aren't addressing this argument

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and taking a closer look...—there are studies.

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A study published in *The Lancet*, specifically
the *Public Health* section—a scientific

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journal—in December 2025; it was a large-scale study.

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Unilateral coercive measures kill
half a million people every year.

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500,000 people.

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And they looked at the study period from
1971 to 2021 or from 1972 to 2022—50 years.

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Half a million people died every year.

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Unilateral coercive measures—that is,
sanctions—are a weapon of mass destruction.

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It's not just a matter of: "We're trying
to pull one over on Vladimir Putin here."

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No, it's a weapon of mass destruction, and from a social
democratic perspective, we really shouldn't go along with that.

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Of course there are war criminals; of course
there are atrocities committed in other countries.

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But if we in Switzerland say that we’re just going to go
along with all the sanctions imposed by the U.S. and the EU,

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then we’re complicit in the deaths of 500,000 people every year.

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That's far more people than those
who die directly as a result of war.

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And this argument, for example, is
completely ignored and not discussed.

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And that's what we should talk about now.

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Very good, yes. - Thank you very much.

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And then—excuse me—could I perhaps
add something else? - Yes, of course.

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Then there are the other arguments from a left-wing perspective:

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Well, in war, the high nobility
never fight each other to the death.

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It's always the proletariat, isn't it?

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After all, it's poor Russians fighting against
poor Ukrainians and having to slaughter each other.

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In other words, the proletariat, which is forced
to kill one another for the sake of those in power.

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And to take part in that and be
present for it—in my opinion, that's wrong.

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And this is where we should—we should
just say, “I’m not going along with this.”

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Just as a doctor must first take an oath: “First, do no harm.”

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Maybe we can't help, but we should at least refrain from
adding fuel to the fire or supplying weapons to a war.

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We should put a stop to all of this as much as we can,
but we shouldn't presume to say at this point: "Yes, I

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already know who the good guy is and who the bad guy is."

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I'm now joining the good guys in killing the bad
guys, and by doing that, I've done something good.

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That is not what neutrality means, and we
should uphold that principle not only in a

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military sense but also in an economic sense.

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Swiss politicians are increasingly stating that
Switzerland cannot defend itself militarily on its own.

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And that is why these politicians say the
Swiss Army should move closer to NATO or join it.

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Why are you opposed to closer ties with NATO?

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There is this idea of absolute defense.

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That's a crazy idea. It doesn't exist.

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There is no such thing as absolute defense.

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There has never been a moment when even a military
alliance could say, “We will definitely not be attacked.”

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World War I—they tried it, and we ended up in World War I.

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NATO is not a guarantee; NATO is a strategy.

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Just as neutrality is a strategy
for avoiding being drawn into a war.

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Unfortunately, we have now seen that NATO has, since
the 1990s—and certainly since 1999—begun to

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occasionally bomb areas that are not within NATO territory.

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So, actually, the original idea—as it is also stated in
the NATO Charter—was the defense of the NATO territory.

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Serbia was bombed in 1999.

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Serbia was not a member of NATO.

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NATO soldiers were sent to Afghanistan.

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Afghanistan is not a member of NATO.

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NATO is being used to project power
outward—toward Russia and, increasingly, toward China.

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Donald Trump is angry that NATO has been somewhat hesitant
regarding Iran, even though, of course, British bases were

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made available there as well, and NATO resources were provided.

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NATO is an instrument of great power
politics and also an offensive instrument.

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And that's what NATO says, too. "We have
to deter them, after all." — Deterrence.

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And deterrence is the idea of telling the other side: “I
can bomb you back to the Stone Age; I can kill you and wipe

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you out, so don’t even think about getting any funny ideas.”

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And this line of reasoning is
diametrically opposed to the concept of neutrality.

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Because the neutral strategy is to say:
You're my friend, and you're my friend.

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I have a good relationship with you
and a good relationship with you.

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None of you really want to attack me, do you?

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And if you two are fighting, I'll try to help both of you.

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I'm sending people from the Red Cross
to try to care for your two soldiers.

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I'm sending people who will try to be
effective diplomats on your behalf.

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Don't come here, don't attack me, and
then you'll have access to these services.

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If you attack me, I'll defend myself,
and then you won't get anything out of it.

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So NATO and collective security are a strategy
that boils down to: a big stick and a big carrot.

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Big Stick—I can destroy you anytime I want to.

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And, big carrot—if you do what I
say, you'll get something from us.

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Neutrality: Working with a small stick and a small carrot.

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The little stick is, so to speak: If you come, I can still defend
myself—by the way, so it won't be easy for you to take us down.

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And the little carrot: "But if you
don't do it, well, then I'll help you."

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And then I'll help the other
person, too, and you have to accept that.

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It's a completely different security strategy.

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And this idea that you're only safe if
you scare others away is a crazy idea.

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It's just not right.

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Why doesn't Germany need to deter France? Or France, Germany?

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Those two were always at each other's throats.

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These days, no one scares the others off because they cooperate,
because they trust each other, because they're friends.

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And neutral countries actually follow
the same strategy with everyone else.

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Neutrality is, after all, more of a principle—a
principle of international law—that requires friendship,

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even with states that are not necessarily friendly.

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And that's the hard part. And that's also
the balancing act—explaining to both sides

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why you're now helping the other side, too.

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He is, after all, the enemy. — But your enemy, not mine.

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And that is a strategy that has worked well for
Switzerland for at least 200 years, since 1815.

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In a war—especially a major war—all countries are dangerous.

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And the neutral state must then repeatedly try to explain
to both sides why it is useful and how they can move

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forward together without being drawn into the conflict itself.

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And unfortunately, Switzerland is currently lacking this line
of thinking, because we now view defense solely as a deterrent.

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Deterrence is not the defense strategy of a neutral
state; rather, the strategy is to offer to be of use.

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We have strayed far from that now, and I hope
that, through the neutrality initiative, we can

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at least reignite the discussion on this topic.

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With a little luck, maybe we can
even head in that direction again.

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That's wonderful, Dr. Lottaz. Thank you very much for the
interview, and we wish you all the best with the initiative.

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Let's give it a try. Thank you. - Thank you very much.
